8.10.2002 Minister of defence Mr. Jan-Erik Enestam, Conference on the new north of Europe at the Hotel Kalastajatorppa

Northern Europe in European Security Ladies and gentlemen, it is one of the pleasures of this job to be able to see how many interesting and worthwhile forums convene to discuss and analyse current issues.

And it is a great honour for me to be able to say a few words to this forum on a topic that is certainly on the top of my agenda, being both the Minister of Defence, and the Minister of Nordic Cooperation and Matters Relating to Neighbouring Areas.

There is never a dull moment in the world of international affairs and one could say once again, that we are living interesting times. NATO is about to transform and enlarge at its summit held in Prague next month, and the European Union is fully engaged in the vigorous process of enlargement. Both of these events will change the way our immediate neighbourhood looks like. It is a commonly held belief that these events will have a stabilising influence on the region as a whole.

We are all also very aware that the latest winds in the international climate blow mainly from the Middle East and the Central Asia. Within the European context, this has once more highlighted the geostrategic importance of the European South. Thus, I am pleased to say, the European North is ever more rarely the focus of international worry and unease.

But do the current calm and the sense of safe mean that the North of Europe can continue to be the safe haven we often feel it is?

The political transformation of the Baltic Sea region has been drastic and thorough. While the prospect of a military confrontation in the Baltic Sea region has become unlikely, there are security concerns of a wider nature that we should be prepared for. These security concerns pose challenges not only to Finland, but also to the wider region and they vary from unconventional terrorist and asymmetric attacks to threats from nuclear, radiological, biological and chemical weapons; and from a range of natural disasters to acci-dents caused by human error, communicable diseases and crime. What makes these threats even a greater challenge is the fact they are far less predictable than the conventional military threat.

While we have for long been well aware of the existence of these threats, the events of September last year served us as a cruel reminder of the vulnerability of the modern society. We now know concretely how these threats without borders can paralyse our interconnected societies. For a moment, the advances enabled by technology and internationalisation seemed almost like a curse.

The genuine threat of terrorism in our region should not be overemphasised, but it must be borne in mind when we make co-operative security plans.

For decades, the Finnish system of protecting the civil society has been based on a concept of total national defence. The concept signifies extensive co-operation between the different authorities and sectors of the civil society and it aims to ensure that the society as a whole - not only public authorities but private individuals and businesses as well - can continue to be functional under all circumstances. Any action taken in a crisis situation is co-ordinated under the planning of total national defence, and it includes the whole range of civil and military actors of our society.

Preparedness plans for the conventional threat delegated straightforward lines of duty for each sector providing security for the society.

The new security risks, however, seem to fall on the "grey area" between military and civilian sectors and thus pose new challenges for the police, the rescue services, as well as the military. We now must find the best possible combination of tools and combine the resources. This transformation in preparedness planning is easier said than done. Tackling the new challenges requires new thinking, clearcut political guidelines and smooth interagency co-operation not only nationally, but just as importantly, internationally.

If domestic practises have had to be transformed to meet the threats of wider security, so too has the international community had to change the way it prepares to meet the challenges of these new threats. We have had to become more transparent and willing to exchange information on security practises. We have had to rely ever more strongly on regionalisation and internationalisation.

On the topend political spectrum, there are a number of different forums ranging from OSCE to more regional groups such as the Arctic Council and the Council of Baltic Sea States, that provide for policymaking on the wide variety of issues of the European North. I should also mention the multilateral co-operation between the Nordic countries, which has a long and successful history.

The other two core forums, the European Union and NATO, have gone through a significant transformation over the years to become institutions that play an effective, legitimate and democratically accountable role in providing external and internal security for the citizens of their member states. It is clear, that with association and membership to these organisations our neighbours will become wealthier, more democratic and secure. These nations have, in other words, become more closely tied to the same family of values that make not only Northern Europe, but also the larger Euro-Atlantic area safe and prosperous.

There are people that feel suspicious toward the enlargement of the European Union, fearing it will be costly and that the free movement of people will even affect our current sense of security. But as membership will institutionalise democratic values and best practise in law, markets and finance, we should welcome the enlargement of both EU and NATO as guarantees of increased security and stability in our region.

We should not forget the role of Russia in this equation. Neither NATO nor EU enlargement will leave Russia in an easy position. With the enlargements, its geopolitical neighbourhood will change and it will have to adapt to the new geographic, economic and political realities.



It is of utmost importance to continue to engage Russia in all dialogues concerning the security and stability of Europe. The membership of the Baltic States and Poland in the European Union will have a most significant impact on the economic life in the region, increasing trade and creating favourable conditions for the growth of investments. The agreements between Russia and the EU, as well as other measures - such as those developed through the Union's Northern Dimension - should be targeted in a way that also Russia can benefit from these increased exchanges and thereby become more closely integrated in Europe as an equal partner.

It cannot be disputed that Russia will continue to pose challenges to the Northern Europe and the Baltic Sea region. The issue between the European Union and Russia over transit to Kaliningrad, for example, is fresh in our minds. There is every reason to expect that a pragmatic solution will be found to this issue. We must look ahead and see that this issue is not only a challenge but also an opportunity for co-operation between the enlarged Union and Russia. We must find ways to transform the enclave into a model of European co-operation, and seek solutions to resolve its social and economic problems.

Substantial progress has been achieved in the NATO-Russia relationship during the past few months. President Putin's realistic and pragmatic foreign policy and Russia's active role in the battle against terrorism have significantly contributed to the improved relationship. The establishment of the new NATO-Russia Council, where NATO Member States and Russia will work as equal partners in areas of common interest, is a promising sign that the Cold War thinking both in NATO and in Russia has finally been put aside. NATO and Russia have both a lot to gain by strengthened and improved relationship. From the Finnish point of view the enhanced collaboration between NATO and Russia can only have positive impacts, for example, on the Baltic Sea region.

The inclusion and active participation of Russia in the PfP activities also remains a vital objective. Transparency brings into light not only technical interoperability but also cultural and social interoperability, which leads to improved understanding and trust between nations.

Ladies and gentlemen,

It is fair to say that most of the modern ills have international roots. But so do their cures. My prognosis for the security of the Northern Europe and the Baltic Sea Region is a positive one. If only we unite our forces - both nationally and internationally - we can continue to enjoy the peace and calm in the safe haven, also called as the European North.

Thank you very much for your attention. The floor is yours for any questions.

Return to headlines